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"Feminism does not mean female corporate power or a woman president: it means no corporate power and no president." - Peggy Kornegger In this first introductory text to anarchafeminism, Chiara Bottici argues that feminism needs anarchism and anarchism needs feminism. Radical political movements don't exist in isolation from each other. The fight for freedom and equality needs to operate on more than one connected plane. Anarchafeminism attempts to incorporate the strategems from both feminist and anarchist theories, approaches and grassroots activism to formulate a specific anarchafeminist approach adapted to the challenges of our times. Bottici draws upon work and theories from across the world to make this a truly global and very contemporary exploration of what anarchafeminism means today. The book introduces the key thinkers and ideas, setting out a manifesto which proposes a practical way ahead for a new more anarchafeminist society"--

"In this book, Chiara Bottici and Benoît Challand explore the formative process of a European identity situated between myth and memory"--

Introduction -- Mythos and logos -- The biblos and the dialectic of the sacred logos -- Scientific rationality and the dialectic of the Enlightenment -- Myth and meaning -- Approaching myth -- Naming the unknown, grounding significance -- Myth and the critique of political reason -- Classical theories of political myth -- Political myth, ideology and utopia -- Myth, historical narratives and the social imaginary -- Myth and identity -- Political myths today : the extraordinary and the banal.

This paper shows the fundamental connection between feminism, anarchism, transindividualism and ecology, and argues that an anarcha-feminism – a feminism without hierarchies – is the key to defeating all forms of oppression, whether they are perpetrated on a political, sexual, economic, or racial basis. Beginning with a description of the condition of minority-status and exposure to violence in which women all over the world find themselves, the paper identifies the traditional tools of domination that the "first sex" uses to maintain its primacy. The most powerful of these tools is the State, in which almost all of the key roles are held by men. On these grounds, this manifesto points out that overthrowing the patriarchy is not possible without the simultaneous subversion of the current juridical-political-economic structure, namely without overcoming national borders and freeing ourselves from the most subtle form of state control: the control over gender identity. This is because, as the paper argues, drawing insights from an ontology of the transindividual, bodies in general and women's bodies in particular, are not individuals, objects given once and for all, but rather never complete processes. In this social ontology, the environment turns out to be constitutive of our individuality; therefore, a transindividual approach to feminism naturally leads to a form of eco-feminism in which not simply human forms of life but all animate and inanimate bodies are involved. Anarcha-feminism means that all forms of oppression are somehow connected because all bodies are connected and it is therefore not possible to fight one form of domination without fighting them all.

While literature on intersectionality proliferates, mention of anarchafeminism, which is a feminist tradition that focuses on the intersectional nature of female oppression, is scarce to say the least. This feminist strand of anarchism has largely been neglected both within feminism and the left. I argue that anarchafeminism is a particularly timely form of feminism because it is able to articulate a feminism free of essentialism. Furthermore, I argue that an ontology of the transindividual is the best possible philosophical ally for this project. ; Chiara Bottici, 'Anarchafeminism & the Ontology of the Transindividual', in Materialism and Politics , ed. by Bernardo Bianchi, Emilie Filion-Donato, Marlon Miguel, and Ayşe Yuva, Cultural Inquiry, 20 (Berlin: ICI Berlin Press, 2021), pp. 215–31

El presente artículo se propone reevaluar el vínculo conceptual entre la política y nuestra capacidad de crear imágenes. A pesar de que se ha escrito mucho en torno a la política de la imaginación, no hay muchos trabajos que evalúen críticamente el vínculo conceptual entre estos dos conceptos de una forma sistemática. Este escrito propone el concepto de Imaginal, entendido como aquello hecho por imágenes, para trascender el impasse actual de la oposición, por una parte, entre teorías de la imaginación como una facultad individual, y por otra, teoría de lo imaginario como un contexto social. A raíz de lo dicho, se fundamentará que la teoría de lo imaginal es el instrumento teórico que más se adapta para comprender la relación conceptual entre la política y nuestra capacidad de producir imágenes. Por último, este análisis se aplica a la política contemporánea y demuestra su capacidad de esclarecer muchas de sus paradojas, incluida aquella de un mundo de la política lleno de imágenes, pero privado de imaginación.

El presente artículo se propone reevaluar el vínculo conceptual entre la política y nuestra capacidad de crear imágenes. A pesar de que se ha escrito mucho en torno a la política de la imaginación, no hay muchos trabajos que evalúen críticamente el vínculo conceptual entre estos dos conceptos de una forma sistemática. Este escrito propone el concepto de Imaginal, entendido como aquello hecho por imágenes, para trascender el impasse actual de la oposición, por una parte, entre teorías de la imaginación como una facultad individual, y por otra, teoría de lo imaginario como un contexto social. A raíz de lo dicho, se fundamentará que la teoría de lo imaginal es el instrumento teórico que más se adapta para comprender la relación conceptual entre la política y nuestra capacidad de producir imágenes. Por último, este análisis se aplica a la política contemporánea y demuestra su capacidad de esclarecer muchas de sus paradojas, incluida aquella de un mundo de la política lleno de imágenes, pero privado de imaginación. ; This article intends to reconsider the conceptual link between politics and our faculty to create images. Despite the fact that much has been written about the politics of the imagination, there are not many works that critically evaluate the conceptual link between these two concepts in a systematic way. The present article proposes the concept of imaginal, understood as what is made of images, to transcend the existing impasse of the opposition between theories of imagination as an individual capacity, on the one hand, and theories of the imaginary as a social context, on the other. The concept of imaginal is the theoretical apparatus most adapted to capture the nature of the conceptual link between politics and our capacity to produce images. Finally this analysis is applied to contemporary politics and it is shown to be able to bring light to many of its paradoxes, included that of a political world full of images, but deprived of imagination. ; Fil: Bottici, Chiara. New School for Social Research; ...

In the last few years, it has become a commonplace to state that domination takes place through a multiplicity of axes, where gender, class, race, and sexuality intersect with one another. While a lot of insightful empirical work is being done under the heading of intersectionality, it is very rarely linked to the anarchist tradition that preceded it. In this article, I would like to articulate this point by showing the usefulness but also the limits of the notion of intersectionality to understand mechanisms of domination and then move on to argue for the need of an anarcha-feminist research program. Secondly, I will try to provide the philosophical framework for such an enterprise by arguing that it is in a Spinozist ontology of the transindividual that we can best find the conceptual resources for thinking about the plural nature of women's bodies and thus of their oppression. This will allow me to attempt to articulate the question of 'what it means to be a woman' in pluralistic terms and thus also to defend a specifically feminist form of anarchism. In conclusion, I will go back to the anarcha-feminist tradition and will show why today it is the best possible ally of feminism in the pursuit of a critical theory of society.

In their Dialectic of Enlightenment, Adorno and Horkheimer observe that the Enlightenment constitutes itself by rejecting myth as subjective. Yet, once the Enlightenment has dominated the entire world with its abstract categories, it cannot but turn into pure subjectivity, and thus into myth. How can we escape such a negative dialectic? The aim of this investigation is to show that Spinoza's theory of myth and imagination provides us with the tools for doing so. Despite being an Enlightenment thinker, Spinoza distances himself from all the presuppositions of the negative dialectic described by Adorno and Horkheimer. To show this, I will first say a few words on what it means to be 'within' the dialectic of Enlightenment, by focusing on the ontological and epistemological assumptions that led Kant, together with other theorists of the Enlightenment, to fully endorse it (§. 1). I will then explore Spinoza's peculiar understanding of imagination, by first focusing on its ontological and epistemological aspects (§. 2), and, subsequently, on their ethical and political consequences (§. 3, 4). It is Spinoza's peculiar ontology that enables him to recognize that myth and imagination are already a form of Enlightenment, because they play a crucial cognitive, ethical and political role. This will also shed some light on why Spinoza can be considered as the initiator of 'another Enlightenment' and thus fruitfully be used to rethink the role of critical theory today.